WOMEN LEADERSHIP

III.2 Participation
The participation of WERs is studied by looking into factors like attendance in regular
meetings; participation in setting the agenda, which involves identifying issues and
problems of the constituencies, raising them in meetings and participating in the
discussions; and finally their involvement in the decision making process, such as
taking decisions in planning, budgeting, location of developmental projects and
selection of beneficiaries both in panchayat and urban local bodies.
Attendance in Meetings
WERs attended the meetings only to fulfil the quorum. On further enquiry, it was
found that participation in the panchayats/municipalities was reduced to signing the
registers and the meetings were overwhelmingly a male dominated event. Sheer
presence of mostly men intimidated them. Often their spouse or male relatives
attended the meetings on their behalf. The limited attendance of elected
representatives was juxtaposed with the ambiguous nature of the meetings
themselves. In most occasions meetings were just formalities to be completed and
marked only in records without their actual occurrences. Often proxy meetings were
held and the proceedings were recorded even without the knowledge of those who
attended them. However, such proceedings bore the signature of all the members,
including those who happened to be absent from the meetings.
Participation in Meetings and Proposing the Agendas
The study findings (Table IV) reveal that women elected representatives attended the
meetings. They were primarily concerned with the issues related to infrastructure
(roads, water, electricity, housing facility, drains, and toilets), education, health &
sanitation, and employment.
Table IV Areas of Concern
Areas of
Concern
Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Education 24.3 6.67 19.16 25.53 20.00
Infrastructure 18.9 82.22 56.28 30.83 34.00
Health 30.3 8.89 20.95 29.78 12.00
Women 2.22 2.00
Employment 19.5 3.59 13.82 28.00
No response 6.7
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Identifying issues of the locality, raising the problems in the meetings and discussing
over them are some of the important activities of WERs in the functioning of the
panchayats and municipalities. WERs did putting up proposals in the meetings.
However, as our findings in Table V have revealed, most of WERs could not
transcend the agenda of infrastructure development. Issues that specifically affect
women were missed out. A significant section of them remained a mute spectator by
proposing nothing in the meeting.
Table V Agenda Proposed in the Meetings
Agenda Proposed
Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Basic
Infrastructure
65 75.00
25.38
40.35 28.20
Health (women &
child)
10 9.09
3.84
19.29 7.69
Education 5.68 4.61 17.54 7.69
Govt. Schemes 10.23 46.92 20.51
Nothing proposed
in the meeting
17.5
19.23
22.80 35.89
Never attended the
meeting
7.5
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Interviews with significant others (Male Elected Representatives, other functionaries
and officials) reveal that participation of WERs was simply confined to attending the
meeting. They felt that WERs were, by and large, not capable of conducting meetings
and keeping the records. However with the support of community based organizations
(CBOs) such as self-help groups, they have been successfully raising their issues of
concern in the gram sabha meetings and implementing several schemes. In Andhra
Pradesh for instance, they took initiative in the implementation of the schemes such as
Janmabhoomi, Shramdan, old age pensions, financial assistance during childbirth and
girl child protection schemes. They raised issues relating to the streetlights, DWCRA
groups, schools, low-cost sanitation, micro credit, drainage facilities, shopping
complexes, flyover bridges etc. WERs in urban areas were relatively more active in
taking up special assistance schemes for urban slum women and areas. They also did
a follow-up of government schemes sanctioned for the development of their ward /
village people.
WERs were aware of their constraints. They felt that with measures like education,
training & awareness programmes, and interaction and support from women
collectives they could overcome their constraints.
III.3 Personal Attributes: Strengths and Vulnerabilities
The attributes as self-confidence, ability to speak out in public, education, organizing
skills and personal behaviour facilitated some elected representatives to function
effectively.
Table VI: Facilitating Personal Attributes
Personal
Attributes
Andhra
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan
Uttaranchal
Self Confidence 43.4 29.03 30.60 33.82 37.87
Ability to speak in public 11.4 27.42 18.03 19.11 22.72
Education 16.03 3.23 21.31 2.94 12.12
Organizing Skills 10.6 16.17 4.54
Mobilising resources 6.1 14.52 10.29 13.63
Awareness/Experience 6.7 4.84 13.11 17.64 7.57
Training 3.8 16.93
Good Behaviour 20.97
No response 1.5 1.51
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
WERs felt that absence of above potentials hindered their ability to perform. Table
VII informs the constricting personal attributes. The constraints were largely due to
cultural and gender relational influences. WERs have not been able to overcome these
constraints. They opined that training was essential if the government was serious in
giving “women” a chance to come out public spheres. It would enable them to
overcome their constraints particularly those related to low education, low levels of
awareness, and inability to speak in public.
Table VII Constricting Personal Attributes
Constraints Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Lack of
training 8.3 6.25 18.36 17.52 20.31
Low level of
awareness 10.9 9.38 17.52 12.50
Public shyness 20.9 9.3 29.07 16.49 12.50
Low
education 9.6 56.25 13.77 22.68 23.43
Inability to
resolve
conflicts
10.2
9.4 14.28 3.09 6.25
Lack of
leadership
qualities
9.3
6.25 11.22 3.12
Inexperience 9.6 6.25 13.26 22.68 7.81
Belonging to
lower caste 3.13
Inability to
mobilize
resources
9.6
Mobility
constraints 11.2
7.81
No Response 6.25
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Section IV. Institutions, Relations and Women’s Leadership
Gender relations determine the nature and extent of participation of WERs in
governance. The facilitating gender relations help in building the capacities of
women. Constraints weaken the ability to perform; they make women vulnerable and
susceptible to pressures. In this section we focus on gender relations located in
multiple institutional sites viz., formal political structures in the public sphere such as
PRIs& ULBs; informal private realms such as households and the community. A
gender analysis of the actual practices (relations) within these three institutional
locations is crucial to understand the factors facilitating and constraining their
leadership. This is primarily because the roles of women and men in all of these
institutional sites have great differences. The social capacities and vulnerabilities
build/weaken the ability of WERs to define and articulate their needs and priorities
and in turn act upon them. These, in turn, influence their attitudes, which are crucial
for developing a sense of agency.
IV.1 Household
The household is the private realm while politics is located within the public domain.
The public and private divide is constituted and operated in gendered terms. The call
for women to participate in decision making in the public domain, traditionally a
male bastion, is a crucial step towards restructuring gendered power relations. Even
though there is increased visibility of women in local decision making bodies, the
terms on which they enter this public domain of politics affects the quality of their
performance. The nature of their participation varies as a result of following in intrahousehold
situational factors.
Household type
Our study findings reveal that Joint family background facilitated their participation
in local bodies. This implies that household responsibilities are shared and fewer
household responsibilities give women more time for leadership roles. In the study
one-fifth of WERs in Rajasthan, more than one-fourth in Andhra Pradesh (27.5
percent) and in Uttaranchal (25.8 percent) reported that less family responsibilities
/grown up children enabled them to take on additional roles of public leadership.
Socio-Political Affiliations of the Household
The presence and involvement of family members eased their entry into local
decision-making bodies. Findings in the Table VIII reveal that households of WERs
were affiliated to political parties, village/ community based groups, caste group and
cultural groups working on the issues of education, health, sanitation, caste &
entertainment.
Table VIII Socio-Political Affiliations of the Households
Affiliations to
Socio-Political
groups
Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Village and
community
based groups
30.0
37.5 70 40.0 38.70
Caste groups
7.5 30 6.45
Cultural
groups
5.0 12.9
Political
Parties
63.0
50.0
60.0 12.9
No response 7.0
29.03
Total 100
100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Family Members as Elected Representatives
Findings also reveal that family members (mostly husband, father in law, and
brother-in-law) of WERs were also involved in governance as elected representatives
largely sarpanches, panches and councillors. The prestige of family within society
due to the involvement of family members in socio-political activities and in
governance eased their entry and participation despite the fact that they were first
timers and untrained.
Table IX Family Members as Elected Representatives
Political profile
of members of
Households
Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Uttaranchal
Family Members
as Elected
Representatives
63
27.5
65 35.48
Not Applicable 37 72.5 35 64.51
Total 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Dependency Syndrome
The provision of mandatory participation of women in governance has prompted the
households with a strong socio-political involvement to promote their wives/women
members of their households in the sphere politics. Findings show that the husband
and other family members such as father in law; brother in law largely decided the
candidature of women elected representatives. One of the reasons behind this is the
inherent interest of the household in politics. The male members/husband could not
contest as the seat was reserved for women. Such ERs merely acted as ‘rubber
stamps’ while their families took decisions on their behalf.
Interviews with women on the issue of family support revealed that most of the
WERs did not mind their husbands or adult family members taking interest in their
activities and even acting on their behalf. They depended on them for day-to-day
advice and support on governance related matters. Significant others, on the contrary,
gave a different version that WERs could not function effectively largely due to their
dependency on family members. Their family members interfered and often misused
their authority.
Mobility Constraints
Mobility is an essential factor for participating effectively in governance. Elected
representatives need to interact with agents of the administration or state institutions,
all of which are located outside the private spaces of their home. The capacity for
mobility plays a key role in determining women’s location in politics because it
determines their access to resources and opportunities and the actual ability to engage
in mobilization. For women, the meanings and valences assigned to mobility are
linked with the perimeters of domestication. (Tambiah: 2003)
The WERs faced constraints in terms of household chores, economic constraints, and
family interference. All these constraints restricted their mobility. WERs in the study
opined that they should be either called in groups or persons accompanying them
should also be given transport allowance when they are attending meetings or
training camps at a distance. These facilities would help them to face problems
related to mobility.
Table X Mobility Constraints
Mobility
Constraints
Andhra
Pradesh
Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Household
chores
38.8 20.53 32.35 52.13
Economic 32.2 17.85 58.82 11.42
Family
Interference
(dependency)
23.4 61.60 5.88 27.85
No social
Standing
5.6 2.94 8.57
Total 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
Our interviews with the significant others confirms this fact that lack of mobility due
to household responsibilities and dependency on male relatives constrained their
performance as ERs. As the family and traditional roles demanded a lot of their time,
they ended up becoming a namesake ER.
IV.2 Relations with Community/ Civil Society Organizations
Culture and community play influential role in determining the authority, power,
resources, time and spaces of women. The study findings (Table XI) show that the
WERs faced constraints of traditions and customs, caste discrimination and safety
issues. WERs could not take independent initiatives. According to one-seventh WERs
in Andhra Pradesh and nearly one-tenth in Uttaranchal lack of interaction with
CBOS/ NGOs inhibited their ability to lead.
Table XI Constraints within Community
Constraints Andhra
Pradesh
Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Caste
discrimination
18.07 28.84 16.66 9.67
Traditions&
customs
21.08 64.41 78.57 29.03
Safety issues 24.09 2.88 4.76 12.90
Sexual
harassment
22.2 3.84
No interaction
with
CBOs/NGOs
14.4 9.67
No response 38.70
Total 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
The study findings (Table XII) also demonstrate that caste associations played an
important in facilitating the leadership of WERs. CBOs as women collectives
supported one-third WERs in Uttaranchal, and nearly one-sixth of WERs in Rajasthan
and Andhra Pradesh. Political parties too played a decisive role. They supported a
little less than one-half of WERs in Andhra Pradesh, nearly one-fourth WERs in
Rajasthan and one-sixth WERs in Uttaranchal.
Table XII Support of institutions within Community
Facilitating
factors
Andhra
Pradesh
Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Affiliation
with political
parties
47.75 26.31 16.12
Affiliation
with
CBOs/NGOs
17.5 15.78 32.25
Caste
Association
27.5 100 57.89 12.90
Community
support
32.25
Not
Answered
7.5 6.45
Total 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
IV.3 The Institutions of Local Self-Governance: PRIs and ULBs
The 73rd & 74th Constitutional Amendment Act enabled women’s representation in
local self-governance bodies. Their participation is full of challenges and obstructions.
In our study WERs, being undereducated and inexperienced, they were often not
allowed to carry out their mandate. Their efficacy was always under scrutiny; their
views were not considered significant, and they were not included in the meetings.
Significant others across the five states had reservations about the potentials of WERs
to govern, as they were by and large ignorant of administrative proceedings. They felt
that illiteracy; lack of communication skills and dependency on male relatives
inhibited their regular participation in the local bodies. Consequently development in
their areas suffered. According to them, the potential of WERs’ participation was in
two main areas viz., service delivery monitoring such as pulse polio programme and
promoting associational groups like Mahila Mandals and SHGs.
Relations with Male Elected Representatives (MERs)
MERs encouraged a substantial section of WERs (Uttaranchal 87.1 percent, Andhra
Pradesh77.5 percent) to carry out their function, albeit in a very patronising manner.
They showed interest in their ideas, informed them about the various rules/clauses,
upcoming schemes and new government grants and provided support in getting the
tasks done.
Indifference, vested interests, abusive language and non-cooperation of MERs
constrained their ability to perform better. (Table XI) Due to these factors, about one
tenth of WERs in Andhra Pradesh and a little less than half of WERs in Uttaranchal
deliberately did not attend the meetings. These constraints have led to their being less
informed on the issues related to governance.
Table XIII Relational Constraints: MERs
Constraints Andhra
Pradesh
Chattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Lack of
support
15 36.36 22.36 38.29 11.76
Indifference 40 18.18 18.01 14.89 8.82
Individual
Interests
27.5 45.45 21.11 38.29 20.58
Abusive
language
7.5 16.77 8.51 5.88
Corruption 21.73
Do not attend
meeting
10 42.94
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
WERs did try to overcome the indifferent and un-supportive attitude of their
colleagues by trying to build a better rapport with them and asking them for help as
and when needed. They urgently wanted to remove their biases towards them. They
felt that training on the processes and procedures of local self-governance could give
them the confidence to work in collaboration with their colleagues. Women awareness
programmes could help them to know more about their rights. Women collectives
could give them moral support and a sense of solidarity as and when required.
Relations with Government functionaries
Panchayat Secretary/ Executive Officers in their interviews in this context revealed
that they explained issues in the agenda to WERs. They updated them regularly on
Government schemes. They even gave them priority by forwarding their proposals.
A substantial section of WERs in the study (Haryana 87 percent, Rajasthan 60
percent, Andhra Pradesh 47.5 percent, and Uttaranchal 58.1 percent) found them
supportive & encouraging. Their support included action on the proposals, bringing
projects and grants, solving/listening to their problems. Lack of experience and
awareness made WERs fully dependent on the Panchayat Secretaries. This, however,
at times constrained their performance to act independently.
Insensitivity towards women, indifference and corruption of government officials
constrained WERs s. For instance, Government officials’ insensitivity towards
women inhibited three fourths of WERs in Andhra Pradesh, about one-third in
Rajasthan and about one-sixth of WERs in Uttaranchal to perform. For more than
one-third of WERs in Rajasthan and about one-fifth of WERs in Uttaranchal the
corruption of government officials was a deterrent factor.
Table XIV Relational Constraints: Government Officials
Constraints Andhra
Pradesh
Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Indifference 12.5 20 24.59 6.25
Corruption 30.43 40.98 21.87
Disregard for
women
75 24.34 34.42 15.62
Abusive
language
7.5 25.21 3.12
No
Interaction at
all
5 53.12
Total 100 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
While suggesting changes in making functionaries/ state officials to respond more
positively, the WERs emphasised on appointment of women functionaries/officials.
This, according to them, would encourage WERs to actively participate in
programmes, events and meetings. They also suggested training for attitudinal change
in the male functionaries/officials in order to sensitise them to their problems specific
to them.
Policy Constraints
The one-third-reservation policy has enabled compulsory representation of women in
the local self-governance institutions. However, some of the policy imperatives such
as rotation of seats and two-child norm constrain their participation. In our study the
WERs have identified honorarium, rotation of seats, no confidence motion and two-
child norm as major barriers to their effective participation. Political constraints, like
party memberships, also hampered the WERs. With the increasing power of political
parties in India, women’s reserved seats are used as a way to gain an edge over a
competing political party. WERs feel powerless and are intimidated or forced by
parties to contest elections and then are caught in the crossfire between parties.
(Niranjana: 2002). WERs have not able to overcome such policy related constraints.
Most of the WERs felt that honorarium for elected representatives in very important
as they put in a major amount of time in the work. They wanted a policy to
compensate for the loss of the wages while they were participating in activities of
Panchayats/Municipalities. They added that this would make them financially
independent, and in turn their status within family would get enhanced.
Rotation policy de-motivated WERs. They opined that by the time they would
understand their roles and duties, their term would get over and they would not be
given a second chance to implement the lessons they learnt. An interesting fact
emerged during the course of our study; that women and men within community by
and large believed that general seats were only for men. That is why perhaps most
WERs in our study felt that they could not contest from general or unreserved seats.
Political parties also did not nominate women from the unreserved seats.
Table XV Policy Constraints
Constraints Andhra
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh Haryana Rajasthan Uttaranchal
Honorarium 43.6 56.25 22.4 46.55 47.05
Rotation of
seats
14
25.00
24.8 25.86 11.76
No confidence
motion
12.6
6.25
25.86 5.88
Two child
norm
26.7
24 1.72 2.94
Political
factionalism
12.50
Training 28.8
No response 2.8 32.35
Total 100 100.00 100 100 100
Note *Figures in percentage. * Indicates multiple responses of WERs.
V. Agency of WERs: Emerging Issues
Some clear issues on women leadership have emerged from the study findings.
Equality of opportunity to women in local self-governance has not actually
transformed the prevailing institutional practices (relations), which still emphasise
male dominance. Gender mainstreaming has not gone beyond the level of rhetoric. An
analysis of such issues in the following section explains ways in which women are
constrained from exercising their leadership.
Defacto Participation of Women Leaders
Formal local democracy offers an opportunity and a forum for women’s leadership.
The reservation of one-third seats for women in PRIs/ULBs is a milestone in the
constitutional and political history of India. It has provided women an opportunity to
participate in the mainstream of development. Women in Panchayats and ULBs are
getting exposed to process of governance and consequently getting a sense of
intimacy with and control over governance process. This may be seen as gains in
terms of the consolidation of the gender equality; though the gain has not expanded
over the years.
A careful reading of the data, however, alerts us to the limitations of the gender
mainstreaming in governance. There is increased presence of women in governance
but their voices are silent. The study result shows a most of the WERs do not have
previous experience in politics; have low awareness about rural and urban
development/ administration affairs; are dominated by vice-presidents, husbands, sons
and male family members or others for planning and executing the powers of local
self governance. These constraints do not enhance women’s leadership; on the
contrary, it may lead to corruption in local self-government administration.
Organizational resources are steered toward quantitative targets that are often only
distantly related to institutional change for gender equality. It has become ‘add
women’ process without questioning the basic assumptions, strategic objectives, or
ways of working.
Marginalised Leadership
The constitutional mandate has not adequately addressed the needs and rights of
WERs. They participate but remain marginalised. The realities of gender inequality
restrict WERs ability to exercise their agency. The responsibilities to meet the
household subsistence requirements, mobility restrictions and limited support
structures restricted their social interaction and participation in local self-governance.
Domestication and seclusion ethics undermine their potential for holding public
office. Having no formal educational qualifications, being deficient in information,
skills and inexperience, they are dependent on men both within household and the
institutions of local self-governance (LSGIs) in matters relating to governance. Men
exploit their naivety to their advantage. The social image of women as housewives
renders the work of many WERs invisible.
Internalised Self-Image vis-à-vis Marginalization
Women’s cognitive experiences about themselves and their role as elected
representatives reflect a given structural situation. Three factors viz., pre-existing
norm commitment, perception and evaluation of role situation, and the esteem and
disesteem with which the peripheral social networks or the reference group would
respond to role performance of women create individual dispositions. Stereotypes
about gender roles deterred women to take on active leadership roles. Many WERs
described themselves as housewives with no sense of independent identity.
Internalised low self-esteem has made them passive, dependent on men in matters
relating to governance.
Lack of awareness and low education/illiteracy would need to be tackled for raising
their self-image. Some short duration capsule literacy courses could be run for these
ERs with the capacity building trainings organised for them immediately after the
elections. Exposure to the ways of governance has, however, instilled in them a sense
of power. To be called a sarpanch or panch or councillor was an experience in living
an independent identity.
Interlocking of Private and Public Patriarchy
WERs are not looked as independent political agents. They are participating in the
institutions of local self-governance albeit in tokenistic manner. Study findings clearly
indicate that systemic patriarchy perpetuated the gender bias and powerlessness in
WERs. Constraints within households directly influenced their capacity for public
engagements. Mobility is essential to participate effectively in public life because it
determines their access to resources and opportunities. Mobility constraints were due
to household responsibilities, caring for children, and working in fields or other
income generating activities. The mobility constraints have prompted the men in their
lives (husbands, brothers, fathers, and fathers-in-law) to take up their job such as
visiting Panchayat Samiti offices at block headquarters. They became de- facto head
or members of panchayats and municipalities when “their” women got elected.
Ambivalence about their public role as elected representatives and dependency on
male family members rendered their participation in governance meaningless. They
function as ‘add on’ who came to politics only because of policy imperatives.
Institutions of Local self-governance maintain the domesticity of women. Every day
practices of MERs, Govt officials, as the study findings have indicated, construe men
as the only real political actors, thereby excluding WERs from actual exercise of
power. When women make an effort to assert themselves, local government
functionaries (like panchayat secretary) prefer to deal with the men-folk, instead of
women elected representatives. The patriarchal nature of local administration
reinforces a sense of worthlessness among these women. The culture of politics viz,
the masculinity of political processes, the adversarial proceedings, subtle forms of
coercion to conform to the central interests of MERs, the timing of meetings and
sessions, the pervasiveness of patronage etc curb and control women leaders’ selfdetermining
behaviour.
One common expression of ‘significant others’ in the study has been women are unfit
for public life because it is essentially male in character. Public-private divide
perpetuated by local governance bodies prevent women from being full participants in
these organizations. The relegation of women to the private world of the household is
so deeply embedded in the institutions of local self-governance that even though they
have become elected representatives, political office continues to be the preserve of
men. Deeply ingrained gender relations construct women as those whose voice is
unreliable. Mostly cast as wives, daughters and sisters under the care of men, they are
not taken seriously as political agents.
Policy Imperatives & Political Effectiveness of Women Leadership
The Affirmative Policy consents to the inclusion of women in governance through
reservation of quotas for them. One third of the seats are reserved for women. This
means that a ward reserved for women would be open to general competition in the
next round. The study findings show that men, either the family members or currently
serving in office, as well as the political parties devised ways of capturing women
seats. They needed a namesake representative, hence, sponsored compliant women.
The family members & political parties who sponsored them did not really invest in
developing their capacities because their usefulness did not extend beyond immediate
term of office. The study findings also show that WERs were first timers. Politically
active families, male relatives officiated on their behalf. Women as proxy
representatives have reduced affirmative action to mere tokenism. Rotation policy
also de-motivates WERs. As the study findings have indicated that WERs contested
only from reserved seats. They were not sure whether they would get a second chance
to implement the lessons learnt from the general unreserved seats.
Other policy imperatives related to rotation of seats, two-child norm and honorarium
constricted their participation. Honorarium, for instance, is an important issue for
elected representatives as they are putting in a major amount of time in the activities
of Panchayats/Municipalities. The study findings reveal that WERs were mostly poor
and were engaged in household subsistence activities either in the field or in some
income generating work. Attending meetings, visiting block level officials or taking
training meant loss of a days’ wage. Honorarium policy could also help them to face
problems related to mobility. One of the mobility constraints of WERs was related to
their inability to attend meetings or training camps at a distance alone. They were
dependent on family members to escort them.
Policy of two-child norm violates their right to participate as elected representatives.
Several states had passed a provision prohibiting contestants to PRIs if they have
more than two children. Women bore the brunt of it. Many women (20-40 age group)
were barred from contesting. There is an urgent need to seek a review of judgments
of High Courts/Supreme Court in this regard. Now some state governments are
thinking of requiring basic literacy as minimum qualification for contesting elections
to PRIs; besides being unconstitutional, such provisions will further discriminate
against women.
Necessary support services are needed for WERs to take part effectively in the public
political sphere such as transport allowance for escort, honorarium, networking with
women collectives. No effort has been made to address the constraint of physical
mobility. Local government functionaries could be more readily available at the
panchayat level.
Civil Society and Efficient Leadership
The study findings reveal that following forms of civil society influenced the nature
of leadership:
• Traditional groups such as caste associations
• Wider social membership in various socio-cultural groups
• Community based groups such as women collectives
• Political parties
Caste associations, membership to various groups and political parties eased their
entry into politics. Such forms of civil society, however, do not actually support their
independent agency. They co-opt WERs for their vested interests and create in them
the feelings of being obliged to them for their positions.
Pro-active engagement of CBOs like women collectives enabled some WERs to work
confidently. WERs associated with them were more confident, articulate about their
concerns and constraints. Continuous interaction with them enabled them to deal with
issues of women’s empowerment, corruption and generating unity amongst people.
Women’s groups have been particularly valuable in assuring that panchayats and their
elected leadership function as democratic, self-governing institutions.
Training for Effective Leadership
Women’s representation in local government structures does not automatically result
in their informed and effective participation in these structures. WERs need to be
politically enlightened, not only about their rights and duties but also the nature of our
constitution, democratic process and values, working of democratic institutions,
concept and relevance of local body administration, particularly the message of
present 73rd & 74th CAAs and one third of reservation of seats for women and various
poverty alleviation programmes and policies for women and weaker sections. Our
findings reveal that those who received training were able to exercise their leadership
effectively. However, systematic orientation and capacity enhancement of elected
women has been largely ignored. Regular capacity building training would motivate
WERs to think discuss and act politically. Training near the villages with stipends,
compensation wages and other incentives would increase their participation. Gender
sensitisation of elected representatives, administrative machinery at village /ward
/block /district level, family and community leaders would strengthen the position of
women. Training programmes can weaken the barriers posed by patriarchy, and
poverty. The low educational attainment amongst the WERs suggests the need for
adult literacy programme for WERs be integrated in the training curricula designed
for them. It is only through their education and awareness and not just through their
mere presence that their participation can become meaningful within the institution of
local self-governance.
VI Paradoxes and Challenges
Gendered inequalities in the distribution of access, resources and benefits reduces the
capacity of women leaders and makes them dependent on significant others for their
survival. Engendering strategies, therefore, need to address the history of exclusion,
marginalization and invisibility of women voices, which prevent the actual exercise of
power; and recognise both public and private domains because the ways in which
these spheres are constructed affects women profoundly and influences the exercise of
power and modes of governance. The tokenistic representation of WERs in the local
institutions of governance points to the presence of several intractable areas of
concern. Caveats in balancing the process of women’s representation with the
outcome of gender equality are as below
One-third reservation- a glass ceiling or the ‘outer limit’?
• Effectiveness of WERs on the basis of narrow agenda of infrastructure
development agendas vs. gender centric social development agendas as caste
discrimination, untouchability, health, violence etc prioritised by them?
• The paternalistic attitude towards WERs vs. their independent agency in
governance?
• Gender sensitisation of insensitive bureaucracy.
• Redistribution of roles and responsibilities within the household- reproductive
roles & within the institutions of governance.
• Gender sensitive work environment within the institution of governance -
creating norms, codes of conduct for ensuring safety and security of WERs.
• Training policy for the newly elected WERs- how many times, on what issues,
venue of trainings, time of training, etc
• Goal of Education for all within the institution of local self-governance.
Literacy component to be included in the training of the WERs.
Defacto Participation of Women Leaders
Formal local democracy offers an opportunity and a forum for women’s leadership.
The reservation of one-third seats for women in PRIs/ULBs is a milestone in the
constitutional and political history of India. It has provided women an opportunity to
participate in the mainstream of development. Women in Panchayats and ULBs are
getting exposed to process of governance and consequently getting a sense of
intimacy with and control over governance process. This may be seen as gains in
terms of the consolidation of the gender equality; though the gain has not expanded
over the years.
A careful reading of the data, however, alerts us to the limitations of the gender
mainstreaming in governance. There is increased presence of women in governance
but their voices are silent. The study result shows a most of the WERs do not have
previous experience in politics; have low awareness about rural and urban
development/ administration affairs; are dominated by vice-presidents, husbands, sons
and male family members or others for planning and executing the powers of local
self governance. These constraints do not enhance women’s leadership; on the
contrary, it may lead to corruption in local self-government administration.
Organizational resources are steered toward quantitative targets that are often only
distantly related to institutional change for gender equality. It has become ‘add
women’ process without questioning the basic assumptions, strategic objectives, or
ways of working.
Marginalised Leadership
The constitutional mandate has not adequately addressed the needs and rights of
WERs. They participate but remain marginalised. The realities of gender inequality
restrict WERs ability to exercise their agency. The responsibilities to meet the
household subsistence requirements, mobility restrictions and limited support
structures restricted their social interaction and participation in local self-governance.
Domestication and seclusion ethics undermine their potential for holding public
office. Having no formal educational qualifications, being deficient in information,
skills and inexperience, they are dependent on men both within household and the
institutions of local self-governance (LSGIs) in matters relating to governance. Men
exploit their naivety to their advantage. The social image of women as housewives
renders the work of many WERs invisible.
Internalised Self-Image vis-à-vis Marginalization
Women’s cognitive experiences about themselves and their role as elected
representatives reflect a given structural situation. Three factors viz., pre-existing
norm commitment, perception and evaluation of role situation, and the esteem and
disesteem with which the peripheral social networks or the reference group would
respond to role performance of women create individual dispositions. Stereotypes
about gender roles deterred women to take on active leadership roles. Many WERs
described themselves as housewives with no sense of independent identity.
Internalised low self-esteem has made them passive, dependent on men in matters
relating to governance.
Lack of awareness and low education/illiteracy would need to be tackled for raising
their self-image. Some short duration capsule literacy courses could be run for these
ERs with the capacity building trainings organised for them immediately after the
elections. Exposure to the ways of governance has, however, instilled in them a sense
of power. To be called a sarpanch or panch or councillor was an experience in living
an independent identity.
Interlocking of Private and Public Patriarchy
WERs are not looked as independent political agents. They are participating in the
institutions of local self-governance albeit in tokenistic manner. Study findings clearly
indicate that systemic patriarchy perpetuated the gender bias and powerlessness in
WERs. Constraints within households directly influenced their capacity for public
engagements. Mobility is essential to participate effectively in public life because it
determines their access to resources and opportunities. Mobility constraints were due
to household responsibilities, caring for children, and working in fields or other
income generating activities. The mobility constraints have prompted the men in their
lives (husbands, brothers, fathers, and fathers-in-law) to take up their job such as
visiting Panchayat Samiti offices at block headquarters. They became de- facto head
or members of panchayats and municipalities when “their” women got elected.
Ambivalence about their public role as elected representatives and dependency on
male family members rendered their participation in governance meaningless. They
function as ‘add on’ who came to politics only because of policy imperatives.
Institutions of Local self-governance maintain the domesticity of women. Every day
practices of MERs, Govt officials, as the study findings have indicated, construe men
as the only real political actors, thereby excluding WERs from actual exercise of
power. When women make an effort to assert themselves, local government
functionaries (like panchayat secretary) prefer to deal with the men-folk, instead of
women elected representatives. The patriarchal nature of local administration
reinforces a sense of worthlessness among these women. The culture of politics viz,
the masculinity of political processes, the adversarial proceedings, subtle forms of
coercion to conform to the central interests of MERs, the timing of meetings and
sessions, the pervasiveness of patronage etc curb and control women leaders’ selfdetermining
behaviour.
One common expression of ‘significant others’ in the study has been women are unfit
for public life because it is essentially male in character. Public-private divide
perpetuated by local governance bodies prevent women from being full participants in
these organizations. The relegation of women to the private world of the household is
so deeply embedded in the institutions of local self-governance that even though they
have become elected representatives, political office continues to be the preserve of
men. Deeply ingrained gender relations construct women as those whose voice is
unreliable. Mostly cast as wives, daughters and sisters under the care of men, they are
not taken seriously as political agents.
Policy Imperatives & Political Effectiveness of Women Leadership
The Affirmative Policy consents to the inclusion of women in governance through
reservation of quotas for them. One third of the seats are reserved for women. This
means that a ward reserved for women would be open to general competition in the
next round. The study findings show that men, either the family members or currently
serving in office, as well as the political parties devised ways of capturing women
seats. They needed a namesake representative, hence, sponsored compliant women.
The family members & political parties who sponsored them did not really invest in
developing their capacities because their usefulness did not extend beyond immediate
term of office. The study findings also show that WERs were first timers. Politically
active families, male relatives officiated on their behalf. Women as proxy
representatives have reduced affirmative action to mere tokenism. Rotation policy
also de-motivates WERs. As the study findings have indicated that WERs contested
only from reserved seats. They were not sure whether they would get a second chance
to implement the lessons learnt from the general unreserved seats.
Other policy imperatives related to rotation of seats, two-child norm and honorarium
constricted their participation. Honorarium, for instance, is an important issue for
elected representatives as they are putting in a major amount of time in the activities
of Panchayats/Municipalities. The study findings reveal that WERs were mostly poor
and were engaged in household subsistence activities either in the field or in some
income generating work. Attending meetings, visiting block level officials or taking
training meant loss of a days’ wage. Honorarium policy could also help them to face
problems related to mobility. One of the mobility constraints of WERs was related to
their inability to attend meetings or training camps at a distance alone. They were
dependent on family members to escort them.
Policy of two-child norm violates their right to participate as elected representatives.
Several states had passed a provision prohibiting contestants to PRIs if they have
more than two children. Women bore the brunt of it. Many women (20-40 age group)
were barred from contesting. There is an urgent need to seek a review of judgments
of High Courts/Supreme Court in this regard. Now some state governments are
thinking of requiring basic literacy as minimum qualification for contesting elections
to PRIs; besides being unconstitutional, such provisions will further discriminate
against women.
Necessary support services are needed for WERs to take part effectively in the public
political sphere such as transport allowance for escort, honorarium, networking with
women collectives. No effort has been made to address the constraint of physical
mobility. Local government functionaries could be more readily available at the
panchayat level.
Civil Society and Efficient Leadership
The study findings reveal that following forms of civil society influenced the nature
of leadership:
• Traditional groups such as caste associations
• Wider social membership in various socio-cultural groups
• Community based groups such as women collectives
• Political parties
Caste associations, membership to various groups and political parties eased their
entry into politics. Such forms of civil society, however, do not actually support their
independent agency. They co-opt WERs for their vested interests and create in them
the feelings of being obliged to them for their positions.
Pro-active engagement of CBOs like women collectives enabled some WERs to work
confidently. WERs associated with them were more confident, articulate about their
concerns and constraints. Continuous interaction with them enabled them to deal with
issues of women’s empowerment, corruption and generating unity amongst people.
Women’s groups have been particularly valuable in assuring that panchayats and their
elected leadership function as democratic, self-governing institutions.
Training for Effective Leadership
Women’s representation in local government structures does not automatically result
in their informed and effective participation in these structures. WERs need to be
politically enlightened, not only about their rights and duties but also the nature of our
constitution, democratic process and values, working of democratic institutions,
concept and relevance of local body administration, particularly the message of
present 73rd & 74th CAAs and one third of reservation of seats for women and various
poverty alleviation programmes and policies for women and weaker sections. Our
findings reveal that those who received training were able to exercise their leadership
effectively. However, systematic orientation and capacity enhancement of elected
women has been largely ignored. Regular capacity building training would motivate
WERs to think discuss and act politically. Training near the villages with stipends,
compensation wages and other incentives would increase their participation. Gender
sensitisation of elected representatives, administrative machinery at village /ward
/block /district level, family and community leaders would strengthen the position of
women. Training programmes can weaken the barriers posed by patriarchy, and
poverty. The low educational attainment amongst the WERs suggests the need for
adult literacy programme for WERs be integrated in the training curricula designed
for them. It is only through their education and awareness and not just through their
mere presence that their participation can become meaningful within the institution of
local self-governance.
VI Paradoxes and Challenges
Gendered inequalities in the distribution of access, resources and benefits reduces the
capacity of women leaders and makes them dependent on significant others for their
survival. Engendering strategies, therefore, need to address the history of exclusion,
marginalization and invisibility of women voices, which prevent the actual exercise of
power; and recognise both public and private domains because the ways in which
these spheres are constructed affects women profoundly and influences the exercise of
power and modes of governance. The tokenistic representation of WERs in the local
institutions of governance points to the presence of several intractable areas of
concern. Caveats in balancing the process of women’s representation with the
outcome of gender equality are as below
One-third reservation- a glass ceiling or the ‘outer limit’?
• Effectiveness of WERs on the basis of narrow agenda of infrastructure
development agendas vs. gender centric social development agendas as caste
discrimination, untouchability, health, violence etc prioritised by them?
• The paternalistic attitude towards WERs vs. their independent agency in
governance?
• Gender sensitisation of insensitive bureaucracy.
• Redistribution of roles and responsibilities within the household- reproductive
roles & within the institutions of governance.
• Gender sensitive work environment within the institution of governance -
creating norms, codes of conduct for ensuring safety and security of WERs.
• Training policy for the newly elected WERs- how many times, on what issues,
venue of trainings, time of training, etc
• Goal of Education for all within the institution of local self-governance.
Literacy component to be included in the training of the WERs.
End Notes
1
The criteria for selection of the district/Gram Panchayats (GPs) / Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) and the
respondents were as follows:
Selection of Districts/Blocks-
One of the two districts and one block from the particular district were selected for the study from each
State.
Selection of Gram Panchayats (GPs) /Urban Local Bodies (ULBs)
Five women headed GPs were selected from each block. Two ULBs were selected from small&
medium towns. However in the latter case the criterion was restricted to woman headed ULBs, as there
were few women headed ULBs in PRIA intervention areas.
Selection of Women elected representatives at GP/ULB level
Six women elected representatives from each from five GPs and five women elected representatives
from two ULBs in each study were selected for the study. In cases where number of women elected
representatives in power in GPs and ULBs did not constitute the required number, previously elected
women representatives were selected for the study. This number did not exceed more than two in each
of the GPs or ULBs. Besides this, out of the women elected representatives in the GPs and ULBs, one
each would be from dalits/scheduled caste/scheduled tribe community.
Selection of Significant Others:
The study did not only aim to study the perceptions of the women elected representatives but also the
perceptions of other significant people within the institutions of governance and the larger community
where these institutions operate. Various categories of other people were interviewed. The category of
the ‘significant others’, included:
GP level/ULB level officials
To capture the perceptions of the ‘significant others’, three persons were selected for the interview
from the each GPs/ULBs. This included one male elected representative, one Panchayat Secretary, an
anganwadi worker or a schoolteacher from the same Panchayat office. In case of ULBs, one male
elected representative, the executive officer and an ICDS worker or a college or schoolteacher were
interviewed.
Gram Sabha/ward sabha/family members
This category of the ‘significant others’ included the one family members of one of the elected
representatives, SHG members or citizen leaders, the village committee/ward committee members. In
cases where ward committees did not exist, residential committee members or any other similar
committee members were interviewed. In absence of any such committee, the people from the locality
may be interviewed. These respondents, however, represented both women and men. From the families
of the elected representatives, either the husband or the head of the household were interviewed.
Block level interviews
One elected representative: the chairperson of the Panchayat Samiti and one block level government
official were interviewed.
Others
One person from an NGO or a CSO was interviewed from the area.
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